sturg33
I
My assumption of you is you're a white dude and I've met fewer opinions more retarded than yours
119th Congress or Red Wave In Adult Land
- Thread starter 57Brave
- Start date
acesfull86
Well-known member
Billionaires are the reason traffic is terrible? I think it’s self evidently stupid. What sort of proof are you looking for here?
acesfull86
Well-known member
It’s almost like the gender and color don’t matter…
sturg33
I
The funny thing is Elon Musk is probably doing more to alleviate traffic than anyone lol
To be fair to 57, Sturg has increasingly invoked the inherent differences of women and minorities in his arguments for policy preferences on here.
I’m not saying you think all white men are superior. But I certainly don’t think you have earned the right to clutch any pearls if someone suggests you take women to task for their mental aptitude a bit too hastily.
sturg33
I
Yes. Christians are morally better than Muslims and substantially better for a free and peaceful society
Tapate50
Well-known member
I’d bet sturg travels more than you
And it should be on you to defend why it’s not stupid
Because it is. Without question
acesfull86
Well-known member
Who wants to travel with the damn billionaires causing traffic everywhere
acesfull86
Well-known member
Tapate50
Well-known member
YOU CAN’T. It’s gotten that bad
57Brave
Well-known member
Peter Coyote
5h
Peter Coyote
This could be really meaningful.
The Senators Who Just Put Pete Hegseth on Notice
By Bruce Fanger White Rose USA: 29 November 2025
When the boat-strike story blew open — the strike, the survivors, the second missile, the alleged order to “kill everybody” — most of Washington did what Washington always does. They ducked. Waited to see which way the wind blew. Pretended they hadn’t read the Post. Pretended they didn’t hear Colombia calling The Hague. But two men didn’t duck. And the fact that it’s these two matters. Roger Wicker and Jack Reed didn’t wake up this morning and discover morality. They already sit atop the Armed Services Committee — one as chair, one as ranking member — which means they know exactly how rare it is for a Secretary of Defense to authorize lethal force without a clean paper trail. They know exactly what it means when the strike order, the legal memo, and the follow-on justification don’t exist in any form Congress can see. They know the difference between a gray area and a red line. And they know what it looks like when someone tries to bluff their way through a war-crimes question. Wicker, a Mississippi Republican, isn’t some anti-Pentagon crusader. He’s old-school GOP defense establishment: flags, carriers, shipyards, the whole package. His instinct is to support the mission. So when he starts asking for the written orders and the legal reasoning, it tells you something. It tells you he doesn’t want to be standing next to a guy who made up his own rules of engagement on a sunny afternoon in the Caribbean. It tells you he saw the reporting and recognized that “kill everyone on the wreckage” is not a counter-narcotics policy. It’s a confession the moment the wrong witness shows up. Reed, the Rhode Island Democrat, is the polar opposite in temperament but identical in seriousness. He’s West Point. Quiet. Methodical. The guy officers listen to even when they don’t like what he’s saying. Reed has spent decades reminding the Pentagon that oversight is not optional. So when he and Wicker sign a joint letter demanding the execute orders, the OLC memo, the targeting packets, the designated-terror lists, and the chain-of-command approvals, that’s not performance. That’s the Senate lighting a fuse. Together they represent something Washington doesn’t see much anymore: the institutional immune system kicking in. They aren’t talking about politics. They’re talking about the law of war. They’re talking about whether the United States carried out an extra-judicial killing of civilians and tried to bury the paperwork. They’re talking about whether the Pentagon now takes its guidance from cable-news machismo instead of the Geneva Conventions. They’re talking about whether the executive branch can claim a “non-international armed conflict” against whatever group is convenient and then launch missile strikes on whoever happens to be floating by. This is the moment when the quiet machinery of a republic decides whether it still knows how to say no. Wicker knows his base. Reed knows his oath. And both men know that if they let Hegseth’s alleged order stand unchallenged, they’re signing off on a doctrine where the United States can kill unarmed survivors in peacetime and call it national security. That’s not a slippery slope. That’s the bottom of the hill. White Rose USA is not here to flatter senators. But when the storm hit, these two did the one thing that still separates a constitutional republic from a personality cult: they asked for the receipts. And now Hegseth has to produce them. Or explain why they don’t exist. Either way, the truth gets closer. Say the quiet part out loud, Bruce — the military isn’t the problem. The chain of command above them is. And this is exactly why Mark Kelly had to remind service members of the law in the first place
5h
Peter Coyote
This could be really meaningful.
The Senators Who Just Put Pete Hegseth on Notice
By Bruce Fanger White Rose USA: 29 November 2025
When the boat-strike story blew open — the strike, the survivors, the second missile, the alleged order to “kill everybody” — most of Washington did what Washington always does. They ducked. Waited to see which way the wind blew. Pretended they hadn’t read the Post. Pretended they didn’t hear Colombia calling The Hague. But two men didn’t duck. And the fact that it’s these two matters. Roger Wicker and Jack Reed didn’t wake up this morning and discover morality. They already sit atop the Armed Services Committee — one as chair, one as ranking member — which means they know exactly how rare it is for a Secretary of Defense to authorize lethal force without a clean paper trail. They know exactly what it means when the strike order, the legal memo, and the follow-on justification don’t exist in any form Congress can see. They know the difference between a gray area and a red line. And they know what it looks like when someone tries to bluff their way through a war-crimes question. Wicker, a Mississippi Republican, isn’t some anti-Pentagon crusader. He’s old-school GOP defense establishment: flags, carriers, shipyards, the whole package. His instinct is to support the mission. So when he starts asking for the written orders and the legal reasoning, it tells you something. It tells you he doesn’t want to be standing next to a guy who made up his own rules of engagement on a sunny afternoon in the Caribbean. It tells you he saw the reporting and recognized that “kill everyone on the wreckage” is not a counter-narcotics policy. It’s a confession the moment the wrong witness shows up. Reed, the Rhode Island Democrat, is the polar opposite in temperament but identical in seriousness. He’s West Point. Quiet. Methodical. The guy officers listen to even when they don’t like what he’s saying. Reed has spent decades reminding the Pentagon that oversight is not optional. So when he and Wicker sign a joint letter demanding the execute orders, the OLC memo, the targeting packets, the designated-terror lists, and the chain-of-command approvals, that’s not performance. That’s the Senate lighting a fuse. Together they represent something Washington doesn’t see much anymore: the institutional immune system kicking in. They aren’t talking about politics. They’re talking about the law of war. They’re talking about whether the United States carried out an extra-judicial killing of civilians and tried to bury the paperwork. They’re talking about whether the Pentagon now takes its guidance from cable-news machismo instead of the Geneva Conventions. They’re talking about whether the executive branch can claim a “non-international armed conflict” against whatever group is convenient and then launch missile strikes on whoever happens to be floating by. This is the moment when the quiet machinery of a republic decides whether it still knows how to say no. Wicker knows his base. Reed knows his oath. And both men know that if they let Hegseth’s alleged order stand unchallenged, they’re signing off on a doctrine where the United States can kill unarmed survivors in peacetime and call it national security. That’s not a slippery slope. That’s the bottom of the hill. White Rose USA is not here to flatter senators. But when the storm hit, these two did the one thing that still separates a constitutional republic from a personality cult: they asked for the receipts. And now Hegseth has to produce them. Or explain why they don’t exist. Either way, the truth gets closer. Say the quiet part out loud, Bruce — the military isn’t the problem. The chain of command above them is. And this is exactly why Mark Kelly had to remind service members of the law in the first place