Are Democrats a political party or fraud operation first?

One prominent example of government corruption in Arkansas is the Preferred Family Healthcare bribery and embezzlement scandal (ongoing from investigations starting around 2017–2023).

This involved a Missouri-based nonprofit charity providing behavioral health services that funneled bribes and kickbacks to multiple Arkansas legislators in exchange for directing state funds (often from the General Improvement Fund, or GIF) to the organization. Former executives embezzled funds while paying off officials for favorable legislation and funding. The charity ultimately agreed to pay over $8 million in forfeiture and restitution. Key figures included former State Senator Jeremy Hutchinson (nephew of then-Governor Asa Hutchinson), who accepted bribes (including over $157,500 from an orthodontist for pushing deregulation legislation, plus retainers from the charity) and was sentenced to 46 months in prison for bribery and tax fraud. Other involved legislators pleaded guilty to related charges, with the scandal leading to at least 20 convictions or pleas overall, including executives and lobbyists.

Another major case is the General Improvement Fund (GIF) kickback scheme involving former State Senator Jon Woods and others (2013–2017).

Legislators directed approximately $600,000 in state GIF money to nonprofits (including Ecclesia College) in exchange for tens of thousands in kickbacks funneled through consultants. Woods was convicted on multiple fraud counts and sentenced to over 18 years; former Rep. Micah Neal received $38,000 in bribes for his role and pleaded guilty.

A separate GIF fraud case involved former State Senator Jake Files, who fraudulently obtained about $46,500 in state funds for personal gain and pleaded guilty to wire fraud and money laundering.

These cases, substantiated by U.S. Department of Justice announcements and federal court records, often centered on misuse of the now-defunct GIF (declared unconstitutional in 2017) and highlighted systemic issues with legislative discretion over public funds. Arkansas has seen waves of such convictions, with reports noting 189 corruption-related cases involving around $13 million in public money from 2010–2017 alone.
 
One of the most prominent examples of government corruption in Mississippi is the Mississippi welfare funds scandal (uncovered in 2020 and ongoing through 2025), widely regarded as the state's largest public embezzlement case.

From 2016 to 2019, officials at the Mississippi Department of Human Services (MDHS) misdirected over $77 million in federal Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) funds—intended for low-income families—through two nonprofits. The money funded personal luxuries, bogus programs, and pet projects instead of aiding the needy. Key figures included former MDHS Director John Davis (who pleaded guilty to conspiracy and fraud charges), nonprofit operators Nancy New and Zach New (guilty of bribery and fraud), and others. High-profile involvement included retired NFL quarterback Brett Favre, who received $1.1 million for undelivered speeches (repaid principal but faced suits for interest) and helped direct funds toward a $5 million volleyball facility at the University of Southern Mississippi (his alma mater) and investments in a concussion drug company (Prevacus). Former Governor Phil Bryant was implicated via texts but not criminally charged. Multiple guilty pleas occurred, with civil suits seeking recovery of funds (federal government demanded repayment of ~$101 million in 2025).

Another major case is Operation Mississippi Hustle (2014–2017), a FBI probe into prison contract bribery.

Former Corrections Commissioner Chris Epps accepted over $1.4 million in bribes (including payments on a beachfront condo) from consultant Cecil McCrory and contractors in exchange for steering over $800 million in private prison contracts. Epps pleaded guilty and was sentenced to nearly 20 years; McCrory also pleaded guilty. The scandal involved multiple vendors and highlighted systemic corruption in the Department of Corrections.

More recent cases include a 2025 federal indictment charging Jackson Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba, Hinds County District Attorney Jody Owens, and City Council member Aaron Banks with bribery related to real estate development favors, as well as a 2025 sweep arresting multiple sheriffs and officers in a drug trafficking bribery scheme.

These cases are documented through U.S. Department of Justice announcements, federal indictments, state auditor reports, and court records.
 
One prominent example of government corruption in Texas is the Ken Paxton scandal (ongoing allegations from 2020, leading to impeachment in 2023).

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton was impeached by the Texas House in May 2023 on 20 articles (later proceeding on 16), accusing him of bribery, abuse of office, obstruction of justice, and misusing public resources to benefit campaign donor and Austin real estate developer Nate Paul (who faced federal investigation). Whistleblowers—four top aides—reported Paxton to the FBI in 2020, alleging he accepted bribes (including home renovations) and improperly intervened in Paul's legal matters. Paxton was suspended pending trial but acquitted by the Texas Senate in September 2023 (largely along party lines). A related federal corruption probe ended without charges in early 2025 (final weeks of the Biden administration). In April 2025, a judge awarded the four whistleblowers $6.6 million total in a wrongful termination suit against Paxton's office. Paxton separately settled unrelated securities fraud charges in 2025.

Another significant case is the South Texas/Rio Grande Valley public corruption wave (2010s–2020s), often involving local officials in bribery and fraud schemes.

This region has seen dozens of convictions, prompting a dedicated FBI Rio Grande Valley Public Corruption Task Force (launched 2014). Notable sub-cases include:

  • Former Cameron County Judge Abel Limas (sentenced to 6 years in 2016 for accepting over $250,000 in bribes/kickbacks for favorable rulings, including influencing a $14 million helicopter crash settlement).
  • Progreso school district and city officials (2014 convictions): A family-led scheme diverted federal education funds (district received over $1 million annually in grants) via rigged contracts and kickbacks.
  • La Joya officials (2020s): Former mayor and others sentenced for fraud involving over $340,000 misappropriated through economic development schemes, described by a judge as part of a "culture of corruption."
These cases are documented via U.S. Department of Justice announcements, FBI reports, federal court records, and state legislative proceedings. Texas has a history of such issues, with South Texas districts ranking high nationally in public corruption convictions over the past decade.
 
The amusing thing is all of these fraud schemes still had spend that benefitted the communities. This Somali fraud is straight robbery.
 
One notable example of government corruption (often referred to in the context of public officials engaging in fraud or misuse of office) in Alabama is the case of former Alabama House Speaker Mike Hubbard.

In 2016, Hubbard, a powerful Republican leader who helped orchestrate the GOP's takeover of the state legislature in 2010, was convicted on 12 felony counts of violating the state's ethics law. A Lee County jury found that he illegally used his public office for personal financial gain, including soliciting consulting contracts, investments, and other benefits from lobbyists and principals who had business before the state. Appeals courts later upheld six of the convictions, and he served a reduced 28-month prison sentence (beginning in 2020 and ending in early 2023), along with fines.

This case highlighted conflicts of interest and abuse of power by a high-ranking elected official.

Another prominent example is the North Birmingham bribery scandal (2017–2018), involving former state legislator Oliver Robinson. He pleaded guilty to accepting bribes from a coal company executive and a law firm lawyer to oppose EPA environmental cleanup efforts in his district. Robinson was sentenced to 33 months in prison, highlighting how private interests influenced public officials.

Alabama has seen several such cases involving elected officials, including former governors convicted on corruption-related charges in prior decades. These are substantiated through federal and state court records and DOJ announcements.
 
nsacpi said:
One prominent example of government corruption in Texas is the Ken Paxton scandal (ongoing allegations from 2020, leading to impeachment in 2023).

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton was impeached by the Texas House in May 2023 on 20 articles (later proceeding on 16), accusing him of bribery, abuse of office, obstruction of justice, and misusing public resources to benefit campaign donor and Austin real estate developer Nate Paul (who faced federal investigation). Whistleblowers—four top aides—reported Paxton to the FBI in 2020, alleging he accepted bribes (including home renovations) and improperly intervened in Paul's legal matters. Paxton was suspended pending trial but acquitted by the Texas Senate in September 2023 (largely along party lines). A related federal corruption probe ended without charges in early 2025 (final weeks of the Biden administration). In April 2025, a judge awarded the four whistleblowers $6.6 million total in a wrongful termination suit against Paxton's office. Paxton separately settled unrelated securities fraud charges in 2025.

Another significant case is the South Texas/Rio Grande Valley public corruption wave (2010s–2020s), often involving local officials in bribery and fraud schemes.

This region has seen dozens of convictions, prompting a dedicated FBI Rio Grande Valley Public Corruption Task Force (launched 2014). Notable sub-cases include:

  • Former Cameron County Judge Abel Limas (sentenced to 6 years in 2016 for accepting over $250,000 in bribes/kickbacks for favorable rulings, including influencing a $14 million helicopter crash settlement).
  • Progreso school district and city officials (2014 convictions): A family-led scheme diverted federal education funds (district received over $1 million annually in grants) via rigged contracts and kickbacks.
  • La Joya officials (2020s): Former mayor and others sentenced for fraud involving over $340,000 misappropriated through economic development schemes, described by a judge as part of a "culture of corruption."
These cases are documented via U.S. Department of Justice announcements, FBI reports, federal court records, and state legislative proceedings. Texas has a history of such issues, with South Texas districts ranking high nationally in public corruption convictions over the past decade.
Click to expand...
I think what we’ve learned is democrats are great at prosecuting republicans.

Time to flip the script because what we are seeing in MN makes these other cases laughable
 
nsacpi said:
One notable example of government corruption (often referred to in the context of public officials engaging in fraud or misuse of office) in Alabama is the case of former Alabama House Speaker Mike Hubbard.

In 2016, Hubbard, a powerful Republican leader who helped orchestrate the GOP's takeover of the state legislature in 2010, was convicted on 12 felony counts of violating the state's ethics law. A Lee County jury found that he illegally used his public office for personal financial gain, including soliciting consulting contracts, investments, and other benefits from lobbyists and principals who had business before the state. Appeals courts later upheld six of the convictions, and he served a reduced 28-month prison sentence (beginning in 2020 and ending in early 2023), along with fines.

This case highlighted conflicts of interest and abuse of power by a high-ranking elected official.

Another prominent example is the North Birmingham bribery scandal (2017–2018), involving former state legislator Oliver Robinson. He pleaded guilty to accepting bribes from a coal company executive and a law firm lawyer to oppose EPA environmental cleanup efforts in his district. Robinson was sentenced to 33 months in prison, highlighting how private interests influenced public officials.

Alabama has seen several such cases involving elected officials, including former governors convicted on corruption-related charges in prior decades. These are substantiated through federal and state court records and DOJ announcements.
Click to expand...
Wow - imagine if every single politician they used their power for personal gain were prosecuted?
 
Can you ask your chatbot to compare the magnitude of all theee frauds to what Somalians did in just MN? Let’s ignore that it looks like it’s extending to every state.
 
One prominent example of fraud involving payments to tobacco farmers is the widespread federal crop insurance fraud schemes targeting tobacco producers, particularly in Kentucky and North Carolina. These involve farmers and accomplices fraudulently claiming crop losses to obtain inflated indemnity payments from the federally reinsured crop insurance program administered by the USDA's Risk Management Agency.

A major recent case (investigated from the mid-2010s, with sentencings in 2025) centered on Farmers Tobacco Warehouse in Danville, Kentucky. Former warehouse manager Thomas Kirkpatrick conspired with multiple burley tobacco farmers to create fake documentation (e.g., falsified purchase receipts and canceled checks) making it appear farmers had to buy additional tobacco to fulfill contracts due to short production. This deflated reported production, triggering higher insurance payouts. The scheme ran from about 2014–2020 and caused losses exceeding $35 million overall.

Key sentencings in late 2025 included:

  • Larry Walden (Cave City farmer): 52 months in prison + $9.96 million restitution.
  • David Hunt (Campbellsville farmer, organic tobacco policy): 42 months + $5.43 million restitution.
  • David Wisdom (Glasgow farmer): 48 months + $1.94 million restitution.
  • Kirkpatrick: 48 months + $16.16 million restitution.
  • Others received shorter sentences and smaller restitutions, totaling seven farmers and the warehouse manager.
Similar patterns have occurred in North Carolina, with past convictions for hidden sales of "damaged" tobacco, false claims, and money laundering to conceal proceeds (e.g., multi-million-dollar cases in the 2010s involving warehousemen and brokers).

These cases are documented via U.S. Department of Justice announcements, federal court records, and USDA investigations, highlighting vulnerabilities in the crop insurance program for tobacco (which has high loss ratios compared to other crops).

Note that the 2004–2014 Tobacco Transition Payment Program (TTPP, or "buyout")—which provided ~$10 billion in direct payments to quota holders and producers after ending the federal quota system—does not appear to have major publicized fraud scandals tied to payments to farmers.
 
Man - imagine if we investigated all immigrants and what we’d find in terms of fraud?

Still peanuts compared to what’s going on in Somalia which appears to have been greenlit from the state democrats
 
One of the largest fraud cases involving subsidies and credits in the U.S. energy industry tied to ethanol and biofuels is the Washakie Renewable Energy biodiesel tax credit scheme (2010–2018, prosecutions peaking around 2023).

Operators of a Utah-based biodiesel company (owned by members of the Kingston family) conspired with Los Angeles businessman Lev Aslan Dermen to fraudulently claim over $1 billion in renewable fuel tax credits ($1 per gallon under IRS rules) and generate invalid Renewable Identification Numbers (RINs) under the EPA's Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS). They achieved this by exporting biodiesel (already credited), reimporting it disguised as feedstock, and falsely claiming production to regenerate credits—essentially double-dipping or claiming for non-existent fuel. The IRS paid out more than $511 million in fraudulent credits, used for lavish purchases (e.g., luxury cars, real estate). Sentences included Dermen (40 years), Jacob Kingston (18 years), and others (6–12 years). This case, while centered on biodiesel, exploited the same RFS framework that mandates ethanol blending and generates credits/subsidies for biofuels broadly, including corn ethanol (which dominates the program).

Another notable case directly involving ethanol is the Murex Management Inc. fraudulent transactions scheme (resolved in 2025). A Texas-based ethanol marketing company aided in wire fraud tied to false ethanol sales documentation, defrauding financial institutions (including the failed First NBC Bank). The company pleaded guilty and paid over $15.7 million in fines and restitution.

Smaller but related cases include wire fraud schemes funding failed ethanol plants (e.g., Iowa's Permeate Refining, involving misappropriated investor funds) and broader RIN fraud waves in the 2010s, where fake biodiesel RINs flooded the market, forcing legitimate buyers (including those complying with ethanol mandates) to repurchase valid credits and indirectly distorting the biofuel subsidy ecosystem.

These cases are documented via U.S. Department of Justice prosecutions, EPA actions, and IRS investigations. The RFS and associated tax credits (extended/expanded in laws like the Inflation Reduction Act) create vulnerabilities, as credits can be separated and traded, leading to repeated fraud despite EPA/IRS oversight improvements. Ethanol itself benefits massively from the RFS mandate (requiring ~15 billion gallons annually) and historical subsidies, though direct large-scale fraud has hit biodiesel credits harder due to higher per-gallon incentives.
 
Can you ask your chatbot what is the fraud rate of Somalians in America vs natives assuming we have hundreds implicated in just MN?

Why are we accepting this accretive risk when the population is just a drain on taxpayers?
 
I'm not underplaying the seriousness and magnitude of the fraud cases in Minnesota. As someone who favors a social safety net I want to see fraud prosecuted to the full extent of the law and the programs reformed to minimize fraud.

But I do want to thank the thread starter for his invitation to play. He can play too and so can anyone else. Have at it boyz.
 
nsacpi said:
I'm not underplaying the seriousness and magnitude of the fraud cases in Minnesota. As someone who favors a social safety net I want to see fraud prosecuted to the full extent of the law and the programs reformed to minimize fraud.

But I do want to thank the thread starter for his invitation to play. He can play too and so can anyone else.
Click to expand...

I’m uninterested in these small fraud cases in comparison to a much larger one that was seemingly green lit by the state party. There is literally no way this fraud could have gone undetected without their involvement and you know it.

And further - why add accretive risk when it’s so easy to stop.
 
The Chris Epps case, part of the FBI's Operation Mississippi Hustle (2014–2017), ranks among Mississippi's largest public corruption scandals. It involved systemic bribery within the Mississippi Department of Corrections (MDOC) under former Commissioner Christopher B. Epps.


Background and Rise of Chris Epps​


Epps began his career as a prison guard in the 1980s, rising through the ranks to become MDOC Commissioner in 2002 (appointed by Gov. Ronnie Musgrove and reappointed by Republican Govs. Haley Barbour and Phil Bryant). He served until 2014, becoming the longest-serving commissioner in state history. Epps earned national respect for reforms like reducing solitary confinement, supporting early parole for non-violent offenders, and establishing halfway houses. He was elected president of the American Correctional Association in 2010.


The Scheme​


From as early as 1997 (with most activity post-2002), Epps accepted over $1.4 million (some estimates up to $2 million) in bribes and kickbacks, primarily from consultant and former Republican state legislator Cecil McCrory. In exchange, Epps steered more than $800 million in no-bid or favorable contracts to private prison operators and service providers (e.g., Management and Training Corporation, GEO Group, Global Tel*Link for phone services, health care firms). Bribes came as cash, payments on luxury items (e.g., mortgages on a $500,000 home and Gulf Coast condo), and disguised consulting fees.


The investigation began after a 2009 incident: Epps allegedly tried to cover up a sexual assault at a Walnut Grove halfway house, prompting Leake County Sheriff Greg Waggoner to tip off federal authorities. This expanded into a full probe with wiretaps and video evidence of cash handoffs.


Indictments and Convictions​


  • Epps resigned November 5, 2014, and was indicted the next day on 49 federal counts (bribery, money laundering, wire fraud).
  • He pleaded guilty in February 2015 to one count of conspiracy to launder money and one count of filing a false tax return.
  • In May 2017, U.S. District Judge Henry T. Wingate sentenced him to 235 months (just under 20 years) in federal prison plus a $100,000 fine—harsher than the prosecutors' 13-year recommendation, citing it as "the largest graft operation in the state of Mississippi." (Epps violated bond terms by removing items from a forfeited home.)
  • McCrory and others (e.g., contractors, a doctor who paid $187,500 in bribes) also pleaded guilty and received sentences.
  • The scandal led to over a dozen convictions, including related officials and vendors.

Aftermath and Recovery​


  • Epps forfeited assets worth over $1.7 million (homes, two Mercedes-Benz cars, investments).
  • He and his wife owed ~$69,000 in back state taxes on bribe income (upheld on appeal in 2020).
  • Civil suits by the state Attorney General recovered $26.6 million from 11 companies involved (announced 2019).
  • Epps cooperated extensively with investigators, helping secure other convictions.
  • His projected release date was around November 2023 (he served time at FCI Seagoville, Texas); no major post-release updates appear in recent records.

The case exposed vulnerabilities in private prison contracting and led to rebids of MDOC contracts, though some implicated companies retained business. It was featured on CNBC's American Greed in 2022. Details are substantiated through federal court records, DOJ announcements, and reporting from outlets like The Clarion Ledger and Mississippi Today.
 
nsacpi said:
The Chris Epps case, part of the FBI's Operation Mississippi Hustle (2014–2017), ranks among Mississippi's largest public corruption scandals. It involved systemic bribery within the Mississippi Department of Corrections (MDOC) under former Commissioner Christopher B. Epps.


Background and Rise of Chris Epps​


Epps began his career as a prison guard in the 1980s, rising through the ranks to become MDOC Commissioner in 2002 (appointed by Gov. Ronnie Musgrove and reappointed by Republican Govs. Haley Barbour and Phil Bryant). He served until 2014, becoming the longest-serving commissioner in state history. Epps earned national respect for reforms like reducing solitary confinement, supporting early parole for non-violent offenders, and establishing halfway houses. He was elected president of the American Correctional Association in 2010.


The Scheme​


From as early as 1997 (with most activity post-2002), Epps accepted over $1.4 million (some estimates up to $2 million) in bribes and kickbacks, primarily from consultant and former Republican state legislator Cecil McCrory. In exchange, Epps steered more than $800 million in no-bid or favorable contracts to private prison operators and service providers (e.g., Management and Training Corporation, GEO Group, Global Tel*Link for phone services, health care firms). Bribes came as cash, payments on luxury items (e.g., mortgages on a $500,000 home and Gulf Coast condo), and disguised consulting fees.


The investigation began after a 2009 incident: Epps allegedly tried to cover up a sexual assault at a Walnut Grove halfway house, prompting Leake County Sheriff Greg Waggoner to tip off federal authorities. This expanded into a full probe with wiretaps and video evidence of cash handoffs.


Indictments and Convictions​


  • Epps resigned November 5, 2014, and was indicted the next day on 49 federal counts (bribery, money laundering, wire fraud).
  • He pleaded guilty in February 2015 to one count of conspiracy to launder money and one count of filing a false tax return.
  • In May 2017, U.S. District Judge Henry T. Wingate sentenced him to 235 months (just under 20 years) in federal prison plus a $100,000 fine—harsher than the prosecutors' 13-year recommendation, citing it as "the largest graft operation in the state of Mississippi." (Epps violated bond terms by removing items from a forfeited home.)
  • McCrory and others (e.g., contractors, a doctor who paid $187,500 in bribes) also pleaded guilty and received sentences.
  • The scandal led to over a dozen convictions, including related officials and vendors.

Aftermath and Recovery​


  • Epps forfeited assets worth over $1.7 million (homes, two Mercedes-Benz cars, investments).
  • He and his wife owed ~$69,000 in back state taxes on bribe income (upheld on appeal in 2020).
  • Civil suits by the state Attorney General recovered $26.6 million from 11 companies involved (announced 2019).
  • Epps cooperated extensively with investigators, helping secure other convictions.
  • His projected release date was around November 2023 (he served time at FCI Seagoville, Texas); no major post-release updates appear in recent records.

The case exposed vulnerabilities in private prison contracting and led to rebids of MDOC contracts, though some implicated companies retained business. It was featured on CNBC's American Greed in 2022. Details are substantiated through federal court records, DOJ announcements, and reporting from outlets like The Clarion Ledger and Mississippi Today.
Click to expand...
Even a gross fraud like this ended up with actual tangible value to the community.

The Somalian fraud was just stolen and then funneled through the democrat party
 
Florida has a long reputation for colorful public corruption cases, often involving local officials, bribery in development deals, and misuse of funds. While not topping national lists for the biggest dollar amounts recently (compared to Mississippi's welfare scandal or Minnesota's nutrition fraud), here are some of the juiciest and most notable government-related fraud/corruption examples from the past two decades:


The​


This one's fresh and politically explosive. First Lady Casey DeSantis's charity initiative, Hope Florida (meant to connect needy families with private resources), got tied to allegations of money laundering and wire fraud. Critics claimed $10 million from a Medicaid settlement was routed through the foundation to "dark money" groups that opposed the 2024 marijuana legalization amendment (which Gov. Ron DeSantis strongly fought). A brief Florida House investigation halted due to lack of cooperation from the administration, but a state attorney opened a criminal probe in May 2025. Texts and funding trails implicated administration officials; it's drawn bipartisan criticism and calls for federal review, with DeSantis dismissing it as "pure politics."


Broward and Palm Beach Counties' "Corruption County" Eras (2000s–2010s)​


South Florida earned nicknames like "Corruption County" for waves of scandals:


  • Multiple county commissioners, school board members, and city officials convicted of bribery in land development deals (e.g., pay-to-play zoning approvals).
  • Palm Beach saw four commissioners convicted in the late 2000s, including one (Mary McCarty) who took kickbacks on contracts.
  • Broward had high-profile arrests, like a school board member hiding bribes in a doggie bag.

These highlighted systemic issues in booming real estate, with dozens of convictions.


Tallahassee City Commission Bribery (2010s–2020s)​


Businessman John Thomas Burnette got convicted in 2021 (sentenced to 3 years) for bribing former Commissioner Scott Maddox via fake consulting firms for project approvals. Part of a broader FBI sting exposing pay-to-play in the capital.


Opa-locka Corruption (2010s)​


A small Miami-area city saw its manager, officials, and even the mayor's son convicted in a bribery scheme taking cash from businesses for favors.


COVID-19 Relief and Other Fraud Waves​


Florida led in pandemic fraud prosecutions (hundreds charged, schemes totaling hundreds of millions), including officials like a former SBA employee convicted in 2024 for bribery in loan approvals.


Florida ranks high in total public corruption convictions historically (top 3 nationally in some studies), often local-level graft in growth-heavy areas. The Hope Florida case is the current "juicy" one with statewide political drama. These are backed by DOJ records, state probes, and court outcomes.
 
South Carolina has a storied history of public corruption scandals, with two massive Statehouse probes standing out as the most infamous.


Operation Lost Trust (1989–1999)​


This FBI sting operation remains the state's biggest political scandal ever. It led to the conviction of 17 legislators (about 10% of the General Assembly), plus lobbyists and others, on bribery, extortion, and drug charges. An undercover lobbyist handed out cash for votes on a pari-mutuel betting bill, captured on video. It exposed a culture of unchecked gifts and influence-peddling, prompting the 1991 Ethics Reform Act (one of the nation's toughest at the time) and government restructuring.


The Quinn "Quinndom" Statehouse Probe (2013–2021)​


A more recent major scandal involved powerful Republican consultant Richard Quinn Sr. and his firm. Four lawmakers (including former House Speaker Bobby Harrell and others) faced indictments or guilty pleas for misconduct, illegal campaign spending, and influence-selling to corporate clients. The probe highlighted "dark money" and pay-to-play, often called the biggest since Lost Trust.


Other Notable Cases​


  • Sheriff scandals — South Carolina has seen a parade of them, with multiple county sheriffs (e.g., Lexington County's James Metts in 2015, Colleton County's R.A. Strickland with additional charges) convicted for bribery, misuse of deputies for personal work, and more.
  • Recent fraud — In 2025, cases include Medicaid/health care fraud takedowns (e.g., fake behavioral health clinics billing $21M+), a former state Rep. (Marvin Pendarvis) indicted for wire fraud and money laundering (~$532K), and local officials in places like Williamsburg County facing indictments for overpayments and corruption.

The state often ranks high in federal public corruption convictions per capita, with ongoing issues in local government and ethics enforcement. These are substantiated by FBI/DOJ records, state grand jury indictments, and court outcomes.
 
You must log in or register to reply here.
Back
Top