Yeah, me too. I've been critical of the Republicans allowing their party to be ruled by purity-testers whose knife-arms are really only long enough to reach their own noses. I'm not interested in watching the Democrats do the same thing, irrespective of the fact that I'm ideologically aligned with them. I'm with 50# here, in this situation, in preferring a technocrat to a doomed revolutionary.
I don't think a progressive legislative agenda has a snowball's chance in hell until there are some baseline changes that are going to take both Supreme Court action and a broad, probably bipartisan congressional majority. Citizens United has to be overturned and access to the polls has to become both broader and easier. Neither a protest vote nor a vote of conscience is going to deliver either of those things, but a vote for a seriously flawed but viable top-ticket candidate actually could. Being a middle-aged ****, I am more comfortable with 50% of something instead of 100% of nothing.
I've closely followed elections since 2000, and voted consistently and regularly (even in midterms!) for Democratic candidates since I could legally vote (which began with the 2004 election). I've always been left of the party, but I've grown further left while they've seemingly grown further right; likewise, all the progressive promises the party's made in the past fifteen-plus years have either fallen far short, or—far too often—actually ended with backsliding.
You can fairly place some blame, especially over the past half-decade, on an uncompromising, intractable, mostly bellicose right. But you can also pretty fairly blame the party for a doubling-down on neoliberal, meritocratic-fallacy politics. This policy perspective was initially implemented under the first Clinton's regime, and I think is best summed by its focus on the slimy, right-pandering euphemistic programs to help for the "working poor" (because **** the rest of the poor, right?); obviously there was pressure of an unfriendly Congress, but these ideals nonetheless buttressed the devastating "welfare reform" Clinton put into practice. It's also seen, more recently and at the more local level (and this one's close to home—or former home, at least), in the technocratic embrace of projects like charter schools, which are largely pro-corporate and anti-union and statistical-model-obsessed. And lastly, but perhaps most viscerally, it's detectable in the haute-smug, "we have the facts" tactics—furiously on display this cycle—that seeks to deny the agency of sentiment in politics, and which belies the putatively-progressive and -democratic goodwill of party actors. In any instantiation, it's the emergent coefficient to a greater coziness with capital and a further disregard for—and even an endgame dissolution of—labor (and with it, obviously, non-elite solidarity). In Clinton redux—even though I find her a more capable public servant than her husband, on the balance—it's almost a tripling-down of this posture; and—given the vitriol disseminated by the establishment and its surrogates through the primary season (and continuing beyond the primaries, despite Sander's capitulation)—it feels like a bald and icy repudiation of the left as a real flank within the Democratic Party.
Maybe that should inspire me to struggle even more to modify the party from within, but the tea-leaves just don't read like that for me at this point (
and the last time leftists tried that, it didn't work out so well). Maybe the Democratic Party's deeply disappointing me my entire voting life—even
in spite of the fact that I understand that institutional politics
is, to a large extent, a practice in disappointment—has simply soured me. Maybe the party's salting that disappointment by taking my support as a given—or worse, something
owed—has irrevocably broken my investment in their tent. Maybe I'm still young enough, with at least a decade left before middle-age, that I can swallow starting over while there's still time.
Regardless, it's not "ideological purity", nor a putting the perfect before the good, nor holier-than-thou out-grouping, nor a wish (unlike some far leftists) to burn the thing down to 100% of nothing rather accept a highly-qualified something. Not for me, at least—and not for a lot of others expressing dissent with the Democratic Party. For me, it's a belief that there will always be a boogeyman to collapse left energy back into the liberal hegemony, but at a certain point it ceases to be worth voting from that place of fear. For me, it's the belief that the party isn't really going to let itself be pushed from within—not substantially, anyways; not enough—and so there comes a time when it's more worthwhile to push them from without.