from Sondland's prepared remarks:
We were also disappointed by the President’s
direction that we involve Mr. Giuliani. Our view was that the men and women of the State
Department, not the President’s personal lawyer, should take responsibility for all aspects of U.S.
foreign policy towards Ukraine. However, based on the President’s direction, we were faced
with a choice: We could abandon the goal of a White House meeting for President Zelensky,
which we all believed was crucial to strengthening U.S.-Ukrainian ties and furthering long-held
U.S. foreign policy goals in the region; or we could do as President Trump directed and talk to
Mr. Giuliani to address the President’s concerns.
We chose the latter path, which seemed to all of us – Secretary Perry, Ambassador
Volker, and myself – to be the better alternative. But I did not understand, until much later, that
Mr. Giuliani’s agenda might have also included an effort to prompt the Ukrainians to investigate
Vice President Biden or his son or to involve Ukrainians, directly or indirectly, in the President’s
2020 reelection campaign.
As I stated earlier, I understood from President Trump, at the May 23, 2019 White House
debriefing, that he wanted the Inaugural Delegation to talk with Mr. Giuliani concerning our
efforts to arrange a White House meeting for President Zelensky. Taking direction from the
President, as I must, I spoke with Mr. Giuliani for that limited purpose. In these short
conversations, Mr. Giuliani emphasized that the President wanted a public statement from
President Zelensky committing Ukraine to look into anticorruption issues. Mr. Giuliani
specifically mentioned the 2016 election (including the DNC server) and Burisma as two anti
corruption investigatory topics of importance for the President.
Please know that I would not have recommended that Mr. Giuliani or any private citizen
be involved in these foreign policy matters. However, given the President’s explicit direction, as
well as the importance we attached to arranging a White House meeting between Presidents
Trump and Zelensky, we agreed to do as President Trump directed.
On September 9, 2019, Acting Charge de Affairs/Ambassador William Taylor raised concerns about the possibility that Ukrainians could perceive a linkage between U.S. security
assistance and the President’s 2020 reelection campaign.
Taking the issue seriously, and given the many versions of speculation that had been
circulating about the security aid, I called President Trump directly. I asked the President:
“What do you want from Ukraine?” The President responded, “Nothing. There is no quid pro
quo.” The President repeated: “no quid pro quo” multiple times. This was a very short call.
And I recall the President was in a bad mood.
Let me state clearly: Inviting a foreign government to undertake investigations for the
purpose of influencing an upcoming U.S. election would be wrong. Withholding foreign aid in
order to pressure a foreign government to take such steps would be wrong. I did not and would
not ever participate in such undertakings. In my opinion, security aid to Ukraine was in our vital
national interest and should not have been delayed for any reason.
I will end my remarks the same way I began: Ukraine is not a dirty word. Ukraine is a
fragile democracy fighting against a brutal and unscrupulous Russian neighbor. A strong
Ukraine helps to uphold the norms that maintain stability and promote prosperity around the
world.