Some Red State/Blue State Indicia

California Dem Governor Candidate Tom steyer wants to propose putting federal agents in jail and spending California money to reimport the deportees.
 
sturg33 said:
Agreed. How is it possible to not open a store with $30m faster than 3 fucking years

Just more money laundering
Click to expand...
Apparently there are pages of established locations for sale for way less than 3M$.

Beat me to it I see!

Yeah Zohran has to deliver something or else he's out. This won't work, or save him.
 
which states have seen the largest and smallest increases in their shares of college-educated workers: first from 1980 to 2000 and then from 2000 to the most recent year for which there are data...can you also discuss how much this reflects college education rates of residents of a state, interstate migration and international migration.

The standard metric for tracking shares of "college-educated workers" (or adults) by state uses the percentage of the population aged 25 and over with a bachelor's degree or higher. This comes from U.S. Census Bureau decennial census data for 1980 and 2000, and American Community Survey (ACS) data for the most recent available year (2024 via FRED/St. Louis Fed, which aligns with ACS estimates for population 25+).


Data specifically for the employed/labor force (rather than the full population 25+) is less commonly tabulated historically at the state level in exactly comparable form, but patterns are very similar because college graduates have high labor force participation rates. The figures below use consistent definitions across periods.


1980 to 2000 (first period, ~20 years)​


Largest increases (percentage-point gains in share with bachelor's or higher):


  • Massachusetts: +13.2 pp (from 20.0% to 33.2%)
  • New Jersey: +11.5 pp (from 18.3% to 29.8%)
  • Maryland: +11.1 pp (from 20.4% to 31.5%; note: minor rounding in source data)
  • Connecticut: +10.7 pp (from 20.7% to 31.4%)
  • New Hampshire: +10.5 pp (from 18.2% to 28.7%)

Smallest increases:


  • Alaska: +3.6 pp (from 21.1% to 24.7%)
  • Nevada: +3.8 pp (from 14.4% to 18.2%)
  • West Virginia: +4.4 pp (from 10.4% to 14.8%)
  • Mississippi: +4.6 pp (from 12.3% to 16.9%)
  • Wyoming: +4.7 pp (from 17.2% to 21.9%)

Northeastern states (especially those with strong universities, finance/tech hubs, and amenities) led gains, while many Southern, Mountain, and resource-dependent states lagged.


2000 to 2024 (second period, ~24 years; most recent data)​


Largest increases:


  • Vermont: +15.6 pp (from 29.5% to 45.1%)
  • Colorado: +15.1 pp (from 32.7% to 47.8%)
  • Massachusetts: +15.1 pp (from 33.2% to 48.3%)
  • New Jersey: +14.7 pp (from 29.8% to 44.5%)
  • North Carolina: +14.6 pp (from 22.5% to 37.1%)

Smallest increases:


  • Alaska: +8.1 pp (from 24.7% to 32.8%)
  • New Mexico: +8.3 pp (from 23.5% to 31.8%)
  • Oklahoma: +9.0 pp (from 20.3% to 29.3%)
  • Louisiana: +9.1 pp (from 18.7% to 27.8%)
  • West Virginia: +9.6 pp (from 14.8% to 24.4%)

Gains were larger overall in this period (national trend toward higher attainment), with continued strength in the Northeast plus emerging gains in states like Colorado and North Carolina. Laggards remained concentrated in parts of the South, Mountain West, and resource economies. (Note: District of Columbia saw massive gains—+11.6 pp in the first period and +26.4 pp in the second—but is not a state.)


How much of this reflects resident (homegrown) college completion rates vs. interstate/international migration?​


The increases reflect a mix of all three factors, but their relative importance varies by state and period. Broadly:


  • Resident ("homegrown") education rates: This is the biggest universal driver. Younger cohorts everywhere have far higher college completion rates than older ones due to expanded access to higher education since the 1960s–1980s. As older, less-educated generations age out of the 25+ population, state shares rise mechanically. This explains most of the national increase and a substantial baseline portion of every state's gains (especially in the 1980–2000 period when overall attainment was lower).
  • Interstate migration ("brain gain" vs. "brain drain"): This accounts for much of the divergence across states. College graduates are highly mobile and tend to move toward states with strong job markets (tech, finance, government, research hubs), amenities, and quality of life. States like Massachusetts, New Jersey, Maryland, Colorado, Vermont, and North Carolina have been consistent net importers of college-educated workers, boosting their shares beyond what local institutions alone would produce. Conversely, states with the smallest gains (e.g., Alaska, West Virginia, Wyoming, Mississippi) have often experienced net out-migration of young graduates. Studies of recent college graduates and overall flows confirm this redistribution pattern, with some states gaining 10–30%+ more college-educated young adults via domestic migration than they "produce" locally.
  • International migration: This has become increasingly important, especially since the 1990s and in the 2000–2024 period. Immigrants (and their U.S.-born children) are disproportionately college-educated compared to earlier waves, and they (plus international students who stay) have driven a large share of recent growth in the college-educated population. As of recent data, immigrants comprise ~17% of all U.S. college-educated adults (up from ~10% in 1990), with much higher shares in gateway states like California (~31%), New Jersey (~28%), New York, Florida, Texas, and Maryland (~21–25%). Immigrant-origin students have also driven over 90% of domestic higher-education enrollment growth in recent decades. High-skilled visa pathways and family-based immigration concentrate educated immigrants in certain metros/states, amplifying gains there.

In short: Local improvements in college completion provide the foundation everywhere, but migration (especially interstate for the 1980–2000 divergence and both interstate + international for recent acceleration) explains why some states pulled far ahead while others lagged. High-gain states are often net attractors of talent; low-gain states face brain drain that offsets their own educational progress. These dynamics are well-documented in economic research on human-capital redistribution and continue to shape state competitiveness.
 
Its 2026 and the phd is still citing college degrees like the mean anything relative to 30 years ago. But academics ruined that industry and credibility too
 
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