Then the scope of your reading material and ability to gauge consensus doesn't extend very far.
That's possible. My reading is admittedly one-sided. I'd suggest Karen Dawisha's
Putin's Kleptocracy, Masha Gessen's
The Man Without a Face(which features a nice retelling of the Bob Kraft Super Bowl ring story), and Bill Browder's
Red Notice, which covers the Magnitsky affair.
I agree with the conclusion of the NYT editorial that the oligarchic system has deep roots in Russia, and that it will outlive its current master. That's still kinda eliding the point that there is a master. This article casts Putin as a referee among competing power centers. Ok, this may make it difficult to do business in a frictionless way, but it's hardly suggesting that he's not the boss--a distant first among equals. If Sechin disagrees with Timchenko who disagrees with Medvedev, they're all his creatures (at least two of them are) and owe their position to his patronage. They're beefing with each other, not bucking the boss.
From the second piece:
Putin's role in this system remains the same – that of an arbiter and moderator. And it is an influential one – he, at least during conflicts, has the final say.
That whole article is an extensive unpacking of how Putin serves as an arbiter amongst influential groups--which he ultimately creates and maintains through the spoils of state capitalism.
The third article, which is the only one to make this type of assertion:
There should be no doubt that Putin's power is based on the oligarchs as much as the oligarchs' power is based on President Putin.
was written in 2005. Khordokovsky had been arrested but not prosecuted him. Who inherited his empire? Not a member of the old-school nomenklatura, but Igor Sechin, who'd worked for Putin since the St. P mayor's office the 90s and remains probably his closest ally. I think it's safe to say that there's lots of water under the bridge since 2005.
To wit, this is the conclusion:
It appears that with the election of President Putin, the Nomenklatura oligarchs have solidified their position. Therefore, the questions are: how long Putin will stay in office? Who will replace him? And will Putin or his predecessor find a way to deal with the oligarchs if it is indeed in their interests to do so? The first two questions are of course impossible to answer. It does appear that Putin is still popular with the oligarchs and they have a history of helping to reelect friendly presidents, so I see no reason why they would not do so next time, should Putin find a way to run again. However, with the loss of media control, it is unclear what kind of impact the oligarchs could actually have on an election. President Putin spent $0 on the last election. He simply did not campaign. Favorable media coverage by government-controlled networks was enough.
Not exactly timely.
So if you want to say that the "power vertical" is an exaggeration, maybe you're right, but nothing here says that it's a myth.